By Colin Clarke
During this sequel to Kingston, Jamaica: city improvement and Social switch, 1692 to 1962 (1975) Colin Clarke investigates the position of sophistication, color, race, and tradition within the altering social stratification and spatial patterning of Kingston, Jamaica considering independence in 1962. He additionally assesses the lines - created through the doubling of the inhabitants - on labour and housing markets, that are themselves very important constituents in city social stratification. precise awareness can be given to color, type, and race segregation, to the formation of the Kingston ghetto, to the position of politics within the production of zones of violence and drug buying and selling in downtown Kingston, and to the contribution of the humanities to the evolution of nationwide tradition. a unique characteristic is the inclusion of a number of maps produced and compiled utilizing GIS (geographical details systems). The ebook concludes with a comparability with the post-colonial city difficulties of South Africa and Brazil, and an evalution of the de-colonization of Kingston.
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During this sequel to Kingston, Jamaica: city improvement and Social swap, 1692 to 1962 (1975) Colin Clarke investigates the position of sophistication, color, race, and tradition within the altering social stratification and spatial patterning of Kingston, Jamaica in view that independence in 1962. He additionally assesses the traces - created through the doubling of the inhabitants - on labour and housing markets, that are themselves vital elements in city social stratification.
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Additional resources for Decolonizing the Colonial City: Urbanization and Stratification in Kingston, Jamaica
Wholesale houses resembled bazaars, and the system of barter, which was A Creole Colonial City 5 widely practised in the Negro market, was often used in major commercial transactions. The Negro or Sunday market in Kingston was the principal nexus of the internal trading-network of the slaves, and 10,000 people attended each weekend at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Products such as gums, arrowroot, castor oil, and oil nuts were produced by slaves on the mountain backlands of the estates—Negro grounds—and fed into the internal marketing system; some commodities were even exported by local entrepreneurs.
In contrast, free coloured people (white–black mixtures) and free blacks were encouraged to live in towns since it was feared they would incite plantation slaves to rebellion. Gradually, the regimentation of the plantation was replaced in the towns by a more confused and liberal social order. It is probable that the sex ratio was much more balanced in Kingston than on the estates, where African males were constantly added to the labour force and white bookkeepers were actively discouraged from marrying white women.
Admittedly by the end of the nineteenth century some were Wlling junior civil service posts, and a few were qualifying as doctors and lawyers or working as teachers and journalists. But the majority of blacks in Kingston were trapped in semi-skilled trades, labouring jobs, or domestic service (Legislative Council 1936). A Creole Colonial City 17 Mating practices in the upper social stratum in Kingston became more homogeneous during the post-emancipation period. Most white men married white spouses, though a Victorian double standard applied and many patriarchs kept coloured mistresses ‘hidden under a veil of secrecy’ (Livingstone 1899: 216) There was also an increasing tendency for coloured people to intermarry, and it was among this group that shades of colour became of greatest importance.