By I. M. Destler
During this finished revision of the main influential, extensively learn research of the united states alternate policymaking process, Destler addresses how globalization has reshaped alternate politics, weakening conventional protectionism yet intensifying quandary approximately trade’s societal affects. completely new chapters deal with the deepening of partisan divisions and the increase of “trade and . . .” matters (especially exertions and the environment). the writer concludes with a finished financial and political technique to do something about globalization and maximize its advantages. the unique variation of yank exchange Politics received the Gladys Kammerer Award of the yank Political technological know-how organization for the easiest e-book on US nationwide coverage.
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Additional resources for American Trade Politics, Fourth Edition
But it somehow took until late November for the House to complete floor action, and THE 1934 SYSTEM: PROTECTION FOR CONGRESS 29 02--Chapter 2--11-38 5/19/05 8:50 AM Page 30 although supporters rushed the bill to the Senate floor in December, they were unable to force a vote. Finance Chairman Russell Long played his part by attaching to the bill a controversial Social Security–welfare reform package, so that it was subject to twin filibusters: by liberal traders and by welfare reform critics. The bill died when the 91st Congress adjourned.
The System’s Advantages and Limits Operating within the broader context just described, the 1934 system had enormous advantages—not just for trade, but also for the major governmental participants. The president could generally treat trade policy as a component of US international leadership. Yet he could occasionally respond to specific industry constituencies, and he could avoid making very many decisions against particular producers, except those taken in broader negotiations that brought compensating benefits to other producers.
And after President Kennedy had appeased that industry, members of his party voted overwhelmingly in support of his Trade Expansion Act of 1962. Only when organized labor left the liberal trade camp in the late 1960s did substantial numbers of northern Democrats begin to defect. Thus, in the quarter century after World War II, neither party, while out of office, singled out trade policy as a primary point of difference with the administration in power. ”37 Presidential candidates would, of course, target appeals to particular interests—Kennedy sought votes from textile states with industry-specific promises in 1960, and Nixon, bested in that encounter, emulated him eight years later.